6.4.1.Finding of the facts and (intermediate) conclusions relating to the situation in Syria during the period set out in the charges.
The file contains two reports, titled ‘Liwa al-Quds’ (hereinafter: report I) and ‘The Syrian Airforce Intelligence Service (AIS) and the Syrian Conflict, particularly in Aleppo’ (hereinafter: report II), drawn up by
dr. R. Leenders (hereinafter: Leenders). These reports discuss the conflict in Syria, those involved in this conflict, Liwa al-Quds and the Airforce Intelligence Service (hereinafter: AIS). The reports are based on literature and public sources of information, such as reports of human rights organisations, news articles and social media.
The court has established the following on the basis of these reports and the public sources contained therein and on the basis of witness statements given to the examining magistrate.
6.4.1.1. The situation in Syria in 2011
In March 2011, a revolution broke out in Syria, demanding reform from the regime of president Assad. Various rebel groups formed and in June 2011 the first armed conflict took place between rebel groups and the Syrian army. The start of the large scale armed opposition in Syria was marked by the formation of the Free Syrian Army (hereinafter: FSA) in July 2011. Although the FSA consisted of various rebel groups, it carried out joint military operations, published a code of conduct
1and set up a Supreme Military Council in order to establish a commando structure. In September and October 2011, the media reported the first armed conflicts between the Syrian army and the FSA.
2
6.4.1.2. Pro-regime militias
The regime tried to suppress the call for reform by using excessive force.
As there was a shortage of regular forces, the regime relied heavily on groups that consisted of local sympathizers to suppress the rallies hardhandedly. These local sympathizers were referred to as shabihas. Within months of the onset of the revolution, the shabiha groups started organising themselves better with the help of the security services, forming so-called “popular committees” (lijan sha'biyya). The regime provided weapons and means to the popular committees for the purposes of recruiting new members and engaging them against predominantly unarmed demonstrators and activists.
3In 2011, the independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic of the United Nations (hereinafter: IICISAR) reported that the number shabihas armed by the Syrian regime involved approx. 10,000 civilians.
4
The regime increasingly engaged in deadly violence against the demonstrators. The regime ordered the large-scale arresting, torturing and murdering of demonstrators.
The IICISAR has reported that 6,399 civilians and 1,680 deserters were killed in the period from 15 March 2011 until 15 March 2012, that the violence started to escalate in the autumn of 2011 and that the regime engaged snipers and used mortars against civilians. The IICICAR has documented crime against humanity torture cases since 2011 in 38 detention locations, particularly those stated here. As a large number of civilians has been apprehended outside the formal procedures, it is not possible to provide an exact number of civilians currently held prisoner. The Violations Documenting Centre stated in its report of February 2012 that over 18,000 prisoners were being held at that time.
5
Over the subsequent period, multiple large-scale military operations were carried out between the parties involved, whereby use was made of military weapons and vehicles, such as tanks and artillery.
6According to IICISAR, 6.7 million civilians had fled the country and 6.2 million civilians were displaced in 2019 as a result of the Syrian conflict.
The popular committees and shabiha groups played a major role in the violent suppression [of the people]. Practically every periodical report issued by IICISAR since 2012 and the reports drawn up by human rights organisations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch and other recognized international organisations and researchers include reports of serious human rights violations committed by the pro-regime militias or those in which the pro-regime militias were involved.
8
When the peaceful revolution developed into an armed revolution, many of the popular committees transformed into quasi-autonomous militias that fought rebel groups at local or national level, along with the regular armed forces. These militias were, in most cases, managed by the various divisions of the security services and they were provided arms and ammunition by the regular armed forces. The financial means were mostly obtained as a result of pillaging, smuggling, kidnapping for ransom, blackmail and the levy of taxes at checkpoints. Support was also provided by the business persons affiliated with the regime.
9Report I shows that the pro-regime militias turned out to be essential in reclaiming the territory on the rebels in practically all the important battles and turning points of the conflict, helping the regime (re)gain control of the most important parts of the country. The notion that mainly pro-regime militias made these victories possible and therefore helped the regime maintain their power is also apparent from the estimations that the large majority of the pro-regime fighters who perished since 2014 were members of such pro-regime militias.
10
6.4.1.3. Establishment of shabiha groups from the Al-Nayrab and Handarat camps
The first armed pro-regime groups in the Palestinian Al-Nayrab and Handarat camps were formed in the autumn of 2011. In a matter of months, these groups transformed into armed militias with hundreds of members, led by a small number of individuals who each led their own group, although they did work together. The following persons were among the most famous shabiha leaders: [name 6] , [name 2] , [name 1] , [name 3] and (later) [name 4] . The members of these groups lived in the Al-Nayrab and Handarat camps.
11
According to the leaders of the shabiha groups, these shabiha groups existed due the necessity to protect the residents of the Al-Nayrab and Handarat camps against a threat of rebel groups around the camps. Nevertheless, the shabiha groups were also involved in beating down rallies at locations far beyond the camps. The turmoil in and around Aleppo offered the shabiha groups and particularly their leaders, a possibility to increase their political influence in and beyond the camps and to use it for lucrative purposes. The career of [name 1] and his activities in the corrupt construction industry of Aleppo prior to 2011 seems to suggest a clear financial motivation. In this regard, reference can also be made to the manner in which he and other leaders of Liwa al-Quds used the position of power they had gained to profit from pillaging, smuggling, blackmailing and the seizure of the possessions of their opponents. This gave rise to a new shabiha elite, which replaced the traditional Palestinian political factions. Becoming a member of this elite was an attractive prospect for youths from the fugitive camps as the social-economic conditions in the Palestinian fugitive camps was poor and the income offered for taking part in the shabiha groups was enticing.
12
6.4.1.4. The Syrian revolution in Aleppo
The Syrian revolution reached the city Aleppo at a late stage. In 2011, most rallies were relatively small-scale and took place in and around the university of Aleppo and in a number of mosques. In early 2012, the rallies started to increase in size and expanded, mainly to the east part of the city. For example, mass rallies took place in the areas in the east of Aleppo in 2012, to which the regime responded with violence. At that time, armed rebel groups had already formed in the country, including the factions of the FSA, Liwa al-Fatah and Liwa al-Tawhid. It didn't take long for armed groups to start accompanying the rallies, which, according to them, was done in order to protect these rallies against Syrian security troops and shabiha groups. In July 2012, various rebel groups moved to the east part of Aleppo city and started what they referred to as the “Battle of Aleppo”. Heavy fighting broke out, resulting in a stalemate and the division of the city until 2016. During this period, the western part of the city was controlled by regime troops and their allies and the eastern part of the city by various rebel factions.
13
6.4.1.5. The Syrian Air Force Intelligence Service
Even before the Syrian revolution in March 2011, the AIS transformed into a security service that became an important pillar for the suppressing of any form of opposition in Syria by using long-term arbitrary detention, torture, crime against humanity torture and disappearances. The ties with the Assad family were close and were strengthened by the fact that practically all of the leaders of the AIS originated from the same native region as the Assad family and were Alawite people, just like the current president and his father. AIS was the most feared and active security services within the Syrian security apparatus.
14
The AIS operated throughout Syria and was organised in sectors and departments, which each had their own prisons where systematic crime against humanity torture took place.
15According to the Syrian Network for Human Rights, over 135,000 people were arrested between the start of the Syrian revolution and August 2023, who were either detained by the intelligence services over a long period of time or never released. This equates approximately 6 percent of the total Syrian population.
16
When the revolution broke out in March 2011, the regime immediately relied on the various intelligence and security services, including the AIS, to crack down the revolution with heavy hand. A ‘Central Crisis Management Cell’ (hereinafter: Crisis Cell) was formed within the regime, in which the most important persons took part, such as the Minister of Defence and the heads of the regime’s intelligence and security services. The Crisis Cell ordered the crackdown of the rallies, instructed army troops and security services to use violence against the revolutionaries and played an active role in the encouragement, mobilisation and arming of popular committees.
17According to the Crisis Cell, the only way of ensuring that the regime remained in place was to act in violence that knew no boundaries. The decisions made by the Crisis Cell were implemented via the local sectors of the security services.
18As of 2012, the AIS took the initiative to set up pro-regime militias, also in the camps in Aleppo, so as to have access to considerable troops which could be used to counter the revolution and could scare and harm the civilian population.
19
6.4.1.6 Role of the AIS in Aleppo and the Al-Nayrab and Handarat camps
The AIS had various detention centres at its disposal in Aleppo, including the detention centre at Al-Nayrab airport that was run by security chief [name 5].
20Leenders describes in his report how the AIS played an important role in the formation of population militias in the Al-Nayrab and Handarat camps, from which Liwa al-Quds originated.
21[name 1], for example, was a confidant of the AIS in Aleppo and the main contact of AIS in the Al-Nayrab camp already prior to 2011. [Name 2] explained in an interview that took place in April 2017 that, once they were given the green light by AIS to arm and expand their organisation, small shabiha groups set to work. He, [name 1] and [name 3], would receive weapons on individual basis or purchase them from the weapons depot at Al-Nayrab airport. It did not take long before the camp was overrun with weapons and the shabiha groups set up various checkpoints around and inside the camp. As a result, [name 1] became closely affiliated with the head of the AIS in Aleppo, [name 7] and his subordinate [name 5].
22[Name 1] consequently gained an influential position in the camp by acting as an intermediate (
simsar) for camp residents, for money or otherwise, and using his connections (
wasta) with the AIS for the purposes of obtaining all sorts of favours, services and privileges. Besides supplying weapons, the AIS is also said to have financed the recruitment of recruits by the militias.
GT089175 has also given a statement regarding the ties between [name 1] and the AIS. According to this witness, [name 1] and [name 2] had connections with the regime and these ties were very close. According to this witness, they were given the order to set up a group which would take action againstthe demonstrators. They therefore started recruiting people, in particular “young, muscular and strong men who were ruthless”. They subsequently cracked down on the demonstrators at the university of Aleppo and the surrounding area.
23
6.4.1.7. The consequences of the conflict for the Palestinian fugitive camps Al-Nayrab and Handarat
During the first years of the conflict a wait-and-see attitude was adopted in both camps, which was reflected in the predominantly neutral position that was adopted, for the purposes of involving the camps as little as possible in the conflict in Syria. At the Al-Nayrab camp, a local coordination group formed by local leaders of Palestinian factions tried to maintain the neutral position by banning anti-regime rallies and by urging pro-regime groups who wanted to “protect” the camp against advancing rebels not to go outside the camp, let alone help regime troops in cracking down the rallies in Aleppo.
Due to the geographical position of the camps, less than a kilometre from the civil and military airport of Aleppo - and the escalating conflict, the camps became of strategic importance, conflicting with the neutral position that had been adopted. From 2012 onwards, the rebel groups moved towards the airport. The Al-Nayrab camp was an important link for both the rebels and the regime in gaining control over the airport of Aleppo.
24Regular regime troops set up camp at the airport and the AIS coordinated its military operations against the rebels from the airport. In April 2013, the rebels entered the Handarat camp. The airport and the Al-Nayrab camp were subsequently besieged, but their continued attempts to gain control of the airport were unsuccessful and the Al-Nayrab camp also remained in the hands of the regime.
25
6.4.1.8. Development of shabiha groups into Liwa al-Quds
Both [naam 1] and [name 2] have confirmed that smaller armed groups in the camps gradually merged together into Liwa al-Quds.
26In fact, the formation of Liwa al-Quds meant that the various shabiha groups continued their activities under a new name with a formally appointed united leadership. The notion that the formation of Liwa al-Quds was in fact a restructuring, is also apparent from the significant level of continuity between Liwa al-Quds and the shabiha groups. For example: practically all the shabiha leaders who had played a prominent role in the organisation prior to the formation of Liwa al-Quds, continued to do so after the formation. The close ties between the leaders of the shabiha groups/Liwa al-Quds and the AIS also remained in place. A publication of human rights organisation Zaman al-Wasl, published in September 2013, and the many photographs of [name 5] with commanders of Liwa al-Quds (including [name 2]) also reflect those close ties.
27The close collaboration is also apparent from the fact that, during the besieging of east Aleppo, Liwa al-Quds used the AIS headquarters in al-Zahraa, Aleppo city, as its main military basis in the city.
28The close relations of Liwa al-Quds with the AIS were essential during the first years of the organisation for the arming, organisation and training of the group. This is confirmed by witness GT202650, who has stated that Liwa al-Quds largely relied on the financial support of AIS, in addition to the income it received from thefts it committed in the places it raided.
29
At the time, the formation of Liwa al-Quds was largely ‘unsung’. Only later did [name 1] say that Liwa al-Quds had been formed in Al-Nayrab camp on 6 October 2013. However, there are strong indications that Liwa al-Quds had been formed prior to 6 October 2013. Liwa al-Quds refers to [name 6], the shabiha leader who was killed in September 2012, as its ‘first martyr” and on 3 October 2021, an invitation was posted on the official Facebook page of Liwa al-Quds to celebrate the 10th anniversary on 6 October 2021. This is an indication that the merging of the shabiha groups in Liwa al-Quds took place prior to October 2013.
38
6.4.1.9. Intermediate conclusion of the court with regard to Liwa al-Quds
As a result of the establishment of the facts set out in the foregoing, the actions of the shabiha groups from the Al-Nayrab and Handarat camps can in fact be attributed to and be regarded as actions engaged in by Liwa al-Quds as an umbrella group.
6.4.1.10. Transformation of Liwa al-Quds into a paramilitary infantry division
Liwa al-Quds became one of the most reliable allies of the Syrian regime due to the part it played in the suppression of the rallies, the persecution of activists of the opposition in Aleppo and by its subsequent provision of significant military assistance in most battles that took place as of 2013. As of 2014, Liwa al-Quds transformed into a tightly organised militia with branches all over the country. However, the leadership of Liwa al-Quds remained in Aleppo, with its head office in the Al-Nayrab camp, led by [name 2], and its head office in the Hamdaniya neighbourhood in Aleppo city, led by [name 1].
31
In doing so, Liwa al-Quds and its shabiha predecessors evolved from a group that was involved in cracking down on peaceful protests in Aleppo, into an armed militia and infantry unit that focussed on combating the rebels. Initially, Liwa al-Quds consisted of a couple of hundred fighters, but it was able to develop into a formidable paramilitary infantry division of up to 5,500 men in 2018. Up to 2016-2017, the military operations of the group focused on the area directly surrounding the Al-Nayrab camp, the city Aleppo and the surrounding areas in the country of the Aleppo province. Liwa al-Quds was subsequently deployed in practically all active fronts in the country. The group regularly drew attention to the fact that it took part in 140 battles in the province Aleppo alone and was later active in large-scale fighting in lots of location in north-west Syria, the east of the country, Damascus, Hama and the south of the country. According to estimates based on information provided by the group, Liwa al-Quds is said to have lost many men in those fights, over 400 up to 2015 and 1,000 up to 2019. The scope of the troops of Liaw al-Quds was considerable for a Syrian pro-regime militia, its effort in important battles, its role in turning points of the conflict, and its significant losses confirm that the group must be regarded as a militia that was of great military importance for the regime in its efforts to resist and beat the opposition and the rebels.
32From the beginning and for the duration of the conflict, the group acted as a ‘proxy’ for the Syrian regime that outsourced its state monopoly on violence to them. The ties between Liwa al-Quds and the AIS weakened after the departure of [name 7] as AIS chief in Aleppo in September 2016 in favour of the Military Intelligence Service (hereinafter: MIS) which, in collaboration with the Russian troops in Syria, started to manage the group.
33As of the end of 2016, the group served as proxy for the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and the Russian troops in Syria.
34
6.4.1.11. Involvement of Liwa al-Quds in crimes committed by the AIS.
During the early days of the Syrian revolution, the AIS used deadly violence to suppress rallies that took place in various Syrian cities. The United Nations estimates that 2,600 civilian victims died in September 2011 alone. Not only the participants in the rallies against the regime fell victim to the AIS. Each expression of sympathy for the protests or other forms of opposition was a possible reason for arrest. If you were a resident of a certain area or neighbourhood where the rallies took place, this could also be a reason for the AIS to arrest you. Besides repressing demonstrators, the AIS also focused on the regular troops. Soldiers who refused to shoot demonstrators in order to suppress the revolution would, for example, be shot dead by the AIS and air force pilots were intimidated by AIS officers into bombarding civilian targets.
35
Various Syrian human rights organisations, authors and eyewitnesses have mentioned the shabiha groups, which later merged into Liwa al-Quds, for their role in the violent suppression of these peaceful rallies in Aleppo between 2012 and 2013. The Lebanese pro-regime newspaper Al-Akhbar also wrote an article about the Al-Nayrab camp, stating that twenty men from the camp attacked the demonstrators in the mosques in Aleppo with batons in the spring of 2012. According to various eyewitnesses, members of the shabiha groups, including those of [name 1], [name 2] and [name 6], spoke about their supression of the rallies when they returned to the Al-Nayrab camp with a pick-up truck every week at the end of the day.
36
The witness [witness 1] - the son of the aforementioned [victim 1] - stated in this regard that the shabiha group of [name 6] cracked down on demonstrators in return for payment. According to this witness, it was common knowledge that each person who took part in that action, such as precipitating demonstrators, would receive 500 lira. They did not have fire arms at that time, but they did have sticks and batons.
37
Two anti-regime rallies took place in camp al-Nayrab between 2011 and 2013. Liwa al-Quds is said to have responded violently. Violence and intimidation by members of the group against dissidents in the Al-Nayrab camp also took on other forms. Particularly when some in the Al-Nayrab camp still felt that a neutral position should be adopted in the conflict, this was immediately suppressed. According to the Action Group for Palestinians of Syria, they set up checkpoints in the camp and arrested persons whom they suspected had taken part in the rallies in Aleppo. Members of the rival Palestinian parties and the local coordination committees of the camp, including [name 8] (the son of Hamas leader [name 9]), Hamas leader [name 10], committee member [name 11] and his son [name 12] are said to have been taken prisoner by Liwa al-Quds and detained over a long period of time. [Name 8] is said to have been subjected to the crime against humanity torture, resulting in his death.
38According to a report drawn up by Pro-Justice, Liwa al-Quds was also told by AIS to extradite persons who were suspected of sympathising with the opposition or taking part in the rallies and they have contributed to the arrest of over 4,000 civilians since 2011. Many of them are said to have been subjected to the crime against humanity torture, and/or murdered or have died under appalling circumstances during their detention.
39
The witness [witness 1] gave a statement about the random arrests by Liwa al-Quds. According to this witness, one only had to voice criticism on the regime in order to become the subject of a report.
40Liwa al-Quds arrested people for the security services.
A report would be written about persons who were possibly politically active, after which this person would be arrested and handed over to the security service at the airport.
41
[Victim 1] has also stated that Liwa al-Quds arrested people for the regime. He knew this because he was a member of the committee for the improvement of the relations with the surrounding area. People from the Al-Nayrab village came to him to complain about the arrest of a number of villagers by Liwa al-Quds. Liwa al-Quds handed these people over to the AIS.
42During his detention, the AIS confronted him with a report drawn up by Liwa al-Quds.
43
According to witness GT202650, it was common knowledge that Liwa al-Quds wrote damning reports and that people would then be arrested.
44Initially, members of Liwa al-Quds arrested people from the Al-Nayrab camp. But after the arrest of [victim 1] and all that happened after that, they were afraid to do so. They were afraid that this would result in turmoil in the camp. The people of the surrounding villages were still being arrested. If the family paid Liwa al-Quds money, they would release people. Some people were prepared to pay a lot of money. If no payment was made, the people would be transferred to the AIS.
45This witness gave a specific statement, stating that [name 14] and [name 15], [name 22] and [name 13] were picked up by Liwa al-Quds, viz. the group of [name 3]. According to this witness, this was the only group in the camp that was able to do this. [name 13], [name 14] and [name 15] were arrested in 2012 and [name 22] in 2013. [Name 14], [name 15] and [name 13] were handed over to the AIS. The witness heard that [name 15] was abused and subjected to the crime against humanity torture.
46
The case file shows that the detainees were transferred to one of the AIS prisons, in which the prisons in Damascus, Harasta, Dar’a, Homs, Aleppo, Hama, Latakia, Deir ez-Zor and Raqqa were most frequently mentioned. The treatment of the prisoners was cruel to such an extent that the United Nations and human rights organisations hold the AIS responsible for the most severe forms of crime against humanity torture in Syria since the revolution broke out.
47
In report II by Leenders, a description is provided of various forms of severe crime against humanity torture, including the
falaqacrime against humanity torture method, involving floggings of the feet. The witness statements also show that applying electric shocks, pulling out nails, cutting out eyes, mutilations, stabbing with a knife, and performing mock executions were common crime against humanity torture methods.
48Sexual violence was also used. The purpose of applying such extreme violence was to obtain (false) confessions and to punish the prisoners.
49The application of such extreme violence very regularly resulted in the death of the prisoners. Based on the reports of the international and Syrian human rights organisations, the Human Rights Data Analysis Group calculated that 17,723 people died whilst in detention in the period between 2011 and 2015.
50In Aleppo, bodies were found in the area of the AIS almost daily in 2012, including bodies of children.
51
6.4.1.12. The reputation of the AIS
The reports and witness statements show that the activities of the AIS were common knowledge. The civilian population was aware of the fact that the AIS arrested members of the opposition as well as normal citizens or had them arrested for the purposes of subjecting these arrested persons to extreme forms of systematic violence. It was also common knowledge that many people did not survive the crime against humanity torture practises of the AIS. The knowledge about this was supported by the persons who did survive the crime against humanity torture and told family and friends about it. Camera footage shared via social media also showed how the prisoners were being subjected to the crime against humanity torture.
52Everyone within the (relatively) small and close community of Al-Nayrab camp was fully aware of the reputation of the AIS.
53
This is also clear from various witness statements. [Victim 1] described the AIS as follows: “The cruellest service in all of Syria is the Airforce Intelligence Service.
The Airforce Intelligence Service is the service that is most active in arresting people. If someone is arrested by this service and then released, we say that he has been given a new life.”
54[witness 1] stated that everyone was aware of the crime against humanity torture engaged in by the AIS. He described the reputation of the AIS: “Anyone who comes out of there alive, should be very thankful to God.”
55[Witness 2] described the AIR as “the centre of death”.
56The witness [witness 3] used similar words: “It is common knowledge that the security service, the intelligence service of the Airforce is ruthless. (...) [Victim 1] should thank God that he came out of there alive, most don’t survive. Don’t take my word for it, it is official knowledge.”
57Witnesses GT202650 and GT089175 also gave a statement about the AIS. GT202650 stated the following: “It was common knowledge that many of the people handed over to the Airforce Intelligence Service did not make it out of there alive. Many family members of people who had been handed over would later receive a phone call in which they were told to come collect the ID document of their child. In other words: He is dead.”
58GT089175 stated that the reputation of the AIS was extremely bad, that they were notorious and that anyone who fell into their hands would disappear.
59
6.4.1.13. Other activities Liwa al-Quds
The file also shows that Liwa al-Quds and its leaders profited in various ways from the opportunities offered to them by the Syrian war economy. They did this by taking ownership of goods in the areas they controlled. In the Al-Nayrab camp, the group used its position of power to confiscate possessions, particularly from opponents and fugitives.
Various sources have confirmed that Liwa al-Quds played a major role in the looting that accompanied the conquering of territory by armed groups in the Syrian war. There are reports that looting took place when the Palestinian shabiha groups assisted the Syrian regular army in a military operations against the rebels in Tal Shaghbib, a village near Al-Nayrab camp in March 2013. The Lebanese pro-regime newspaper al-Akhbar also wrote an article about the Al-Nayrab camp, reporting that various shabiha groups had confiscated goods from the village and had subsequently offered the goods for sale at a market in the camp. Pillaging by members of Liwa al-Quds was something that also took place on a large scale in Aleppo during and after the military offence had driven the rebels out the city. Eyewitness reports also speak of systematic looting by Liwa al-Quds in Deir ez-Zor at the end of 2017, which was sometimes accompanied by deadly violence against residents and rival pro-regime militias. Liwa al-Quds set up open air markets in various place where it sold the goods they had looted, such as fridges and furniture. The old metals the group stripped from destroyed or other buildings and houses were sold on a large scale.
60
The Fata/Integration report (2019) drawn up by the Syrian Centre for Legal Studies and Research and the Democratic Republic Studies states that Liwa al-Quds had taken possession of various houses of members of the opposition in the camp.
61The houses of [name 13] and a person by the name of [name 10] were mentioned. The taking of these possessions is said to have been part of a campaign of Liwa al-Quds to take possession of the houses of members of the opposition and of persons who supported the ideas of the opposition and had fled to Europe. [Name 2], the vice-commander of Liwa al-Quds is said to have confirmed the taking possession of houses of people who had fled to Europe on his personal Facebook page. [Name 2] is said to have refused people, who had fled earlier, to re-enter the Al-Nayrab camp. He is also said to have communicated the decision to take possession of the houses, as a message to those residents of the Al-Nayrab camp who had publicly expressed their support for a person by the name of [name 23], a member of the armed opposition who had been killed.
62
Various witness have also given statements concerning the activities of Liwa al-Quds. [Victim 1], for example, stated that Liwa al-Quds was guilty of organised looting and theft in the villages. The leaders were aware of the practices of their members and permitted it. Liwa al-Quds attacked villages and had its members loot these villages.
After payment of 10,000 Syrian lira, each member of Liwa al-Quds was allowed to loot a house.
63
According to witness [witness 1], the members of the shabiha groups were paid per job in the beginning. However, persons who became an official member would receive substantial salaries and stopped working as this became their job. Once the fighting started, they received income in addition to their salary by looting the areas they gained control over. According to this witness, the suspect would collect the looted goods on the roof of his parents’ house during a certain period. The witness saw this with his own eyes. He saw them drive a pick-up into the camp and heard them say “these are looted goods”. Particularly when they raided and stormed Teil Shughaib. They were very brash and publicly said that they had looted Teil Shughaib.
64
GT202650 stated that Liwa al-Quds initially suppressed demonstrators. Later, when Liwa al-Quds became better armed, it took part in fighting and supported the Syrian army, it occupied and controlled certain areas and would loot a lot. The witness saw that Liwa al-Quds brought in lots of looted goods into the Al-Nayrab camp. Liwa al-Quds took the goods into the warehouse of [name 3]. A truck would sometimes be filled with new car tyres, another time it would be filled with olive oil. The witness also frequently saw members of Liwa al-Quds drive in looted cars. At one time, they had place a very large generator on a car. Their warehouse was located outside the camp. The group said that they had taken the goods themselves. The witness also gave a statement about a specific incident. In a place approximately 4-5 km from the camp, the group of [name 3] looted everything they could find. Engines, TVs, cars, even women’s clothing. From the beginning, the group of [name 3], consisting of 7 or 8 men, was the group that kept the proceeds of the looting all to itself. Later, other shabihas also looted.
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6.4.1.14. Intermediate conclusion with regard to Liwa al-Quds
Based on the establishment of the facts set out in the foregoing, the court finds that Liwa al-Quds was a regime-affiliated militia that held a position of actual control in and outside the Al-Nayrab camp as proxy of the AIS and later as proxy of the Syrian and Russian armed forces. The leaders and the members abused that position for their personal gain.
6.4.1.15. The nature of the conflict
In order to answer the question as to whether a judicial finding of fact can be established of a criminal organisation of which the object is to commit war crimes (offence 7), it needs to be determined whether the international humanitarian law applies. To this end, we must assess whether, during the period charged, there was, in view of the phrasing of the charges, a non-international armed conflict in Syria.
Pursuant to caselaw of the Yugoslavia tribunal (hereinafter: ICTY), a non-international armed conflict is considered present if this involves protracted armed violence between the government and one or more organised armed groups or between armed groups.
Whether or not a protracted armed violence is considered present, can be established on the basis of the duration and the intensity of armed confrontations, the quantity and the type of fired ammunition, the type of weapons and other military equipment deployed, the number of victims, the scope of the material damages and the number of internally displaced persons. Whether an organised armed group is involved or not can also be established on the basis of the existence of a command structure and disciplinary rules and mechanisms within the group; the existence of headquarters; the possibility to plan, coordinate and carry out military operations, the possibility to establish a uniform military strategy and the use of military tactics, and the possibility to speak with a single voice and to negotiate.
The court finds that the requirements of protracted armed violence on the territory of Syria as of July 2011 have been met. The court considers on the basis of the aforementioned development of the conflict that there was a strong increase of the number of armed confrontations and that the intensity of the armed violence also increased from that moment on. In the subsequent period, many large-scale military operations were carried out between the parties involved, whereby use was made of military weapons and vehicles such as tanks and artillery. Also the amount of (deadly) victims, material damage and (internal) displaced persons is extremely substantial, as established in the foregoing. The court finds that these circumstances, seen in relation and in connection, entails that the requirement of protracted armed violence has been met.
The court also finds that - on the basis of the aforementioned facts and circumstances - the required degree of organisation of the armed group has been met as well. The start of the armed opposition in Syria was marked by the formation of the FSA in July 2011. Although the FSA consists of various rebel groups, the court finds that the required degree of organisation has been met. To this end, the court considers that the FSA carries out joint operations, issued a code of conduct and formed a Supreme Military Council in order to shape a command structure.
Intermediate conclusion: non-international armed conflict as of July 2011
The court finds that a non-international armed conflict existed in Syria as of July 2011, between the opposition groups operating in the FSA on the one hand and the Syrian regime and its affiliated popular committees/militias on the other hand. This entails that as of that moment and for the duration of the period charged, the international humanitarian laws of war apply.
6.4.1.16. Crimes against humanity
The charges include crimes against humanity, crime against humanity torture, unlawful deprivation of liberty (offences 1, 3, 4 and 6) and participation in a criminal organisation of which the object is to commit crimes against humanity (offence 7).
What differentiates a crime against humanity from a crime under ordinary law (and from other international crimes such as war crimes or genocide), is the condition that the crime must have been committed within the context of a widespread or systematic attack directed against a civilian population, for the implementation or continuation of the policy of a government or organisation.
Section 4(2) under a of the Wim defines an attack directed against a civilian population as the multiple committing of offences set out in that Section directed against a civilian population, for the purposes of the implementation or continuation of the policy of a government or organisation of which the object is to commit such an attack. Pursuant to caselaw, the conduct that forms part of the attack does not need to be violent, nor does it always need to protect the same legal interests. This means that an attack can consist of a sum of various types of conduct, provided there is a link between the conduct and the attack. The attack must also be directed against a civilian population. However, the attack does not have to be directed against the civilian population as a whole, an attack directed against a considerable number of individuals will suffice.
Moreover, the attack must be of a widespread and systematic nature, whereby widespread refers to the scale or scope of, for example, the number of victims, and systematic refers to the existence of a plan or pattern. Another requirement is that the attack takes place by way of implementation or continuation of the policy of a government or organisation, which refers to an active encouragement or promotion of an attack on a civilian population by a government or organisation. As regards the form of the policy, the policy does not have to be formally adopted as government policy. The policy or plan also does not have to be explicitly announced or set out in a detailed plan. A
de factoor implicit plan will suffice.
A widespread or systematic attack directed against the civilian population
In view of the establishment of the facts set out in the foregoing, it is clear that the Syrian regime collaborated with groups such as the popular committees as of March 2011 in order to suppress the peaceful rallies by using violence to disperse and arrest the demonstrators. The Crisis Cell of the regime controlled the various security services as well as the army and ordered a hard crackdown on the opposition. As the peaceful rallies increased in number, so did the violent acts of the Syrian regime. The regime provided groups with weapons and other means and used the army, the security services and these groups for the purposes of killing, arresting and torturing civilians and detaining civilians under extremely dire circumstances, resulting in the death of tens of thousands of civilians. This conduct can, in view of its nature and scope, be regarded as an attack directed against a civilian population.
According to the Crisis Cell the mass arrest and detention of civilians was the main element of the repression arsenal used by the regime as a means of suppressing the rallies. This violence was used as a means to instil fear and served to repress the population so as to protect the regime of Al-Assad. The people targeted by the violence were (alleged) members of the opposition, demonstrators and activists, as well as civilians (including children) who were in no way involved in the rallies. The civilian population targeted by the attack were mainly Syrian citizens. One only needed to be involved in the protests, to have made critical statements regarding the regime or to know someone who is suspected of this, in order to become a target of repression and violence. The court therefore finds that this involves both a widespread as well as a systematic attack directed against the civilian population.
Intermediate conclusion: widespread and systematic attack directed against the civilian population for the implementation of the policy of the Syrian regime
The court considers that the arrests of civilians and the use of violence against civilians that took place as of March 2011 can be qualified as an evolving attack directed against a civilian population. The decisions of the Crisis Cell were implemented as of April 2011 and the court considers that this involves a widespread and systematic attack directed against a civilian population, in view of the number of victims and the systematic nature of the conduct. The Syrian regime and its Crisis Cell controlled the violent suppression of civilians. Therefore the widespread and systematic attack directed against the civilian population took place in implementation of the policy of the Syrian regime.
6.4.2.Establishment of the facts and (intermediate) conclusions with regard to the position of the suspect
The suspect has stated that he joined Liwa al-Quds, but that he did this in order to defend his family.
66According to him, he was only involved in the security of the Al-Nayrab camp and its residents.
67However, he is accused of having a far further reaching involvement and that he had a leading role at Liwa al-Quds as well.
6.4.2.1. Establishment of the facts
Just like GT089175, [victim 1] has stated that the suspect had been a member of Liwa al-Quds since the revolution began in 2011.
68According to [witness 1], the suspect was initially a member of the group of [name 6], the neighbour of the suspect. He started as a regular member, but evolved from there. When the rallies started in Aleppo, this group was formed for the purpose of repressing the rallies. For example, [witness 1] saw the suspect leaving with a group of [name 6] in a car going to or coming back from Aleppo.
69
After [name 6] died, the suspect evolved into one of the confidants of [name 3], the military commander of Liwa al-Quds. According to witness GT202650, [name 3] had two types of confidants: persons who were close to [name 3] and persons that had a more distant position. The suspect formed part of the inner circle of [name 3], together with seven or eight other men.
70[Victim 1] has stated that the suspect was the righthand man of [name 3].
71GT089175 refers to him as a confidant of [name 3] as well.
72
The witness [witness 3] has seen the suspect wearing military clothing and weapons in the camp.
73[Victim 1] gave a similar statement.
74GT089175 has stated that the suspect carried a weapon and wore a uniform.
75GT202650 has seen the suspect carrying a Kalashnikov dozens of times
76and has also stated that the suspect was involved in an incident whereby members of Liwa al-Quds drove through the streets dragging a body behind a car. At the time, the suspect was standing in the trunk of the car to which a body was tied. The body is said to have been dumped in a garbage container.
77
GT202650 has given a statement about the arrest of two men and a woman in 2012 at a checkpoint involving the group of [name 3]. According to the witness, they were apprehended at the checkpoint and subsequently abused and taken by [name 3] and members of his group, including the suspect, after which they handed them over to the AIS.
78It was the group of [name 3], which included the suspect, that engaged itself in looting. This witness actually saw the group take looted goods into the camp.
79The suspect had a private warehouse for the looted goods.
80
According to GT05:2C1175, the suspect was involved in arrests within the camp. The suspect was assigned by the leaders of Liwa al-Quds to pick someone up, which he subsequently did with a number of other people.
81At one such arrest, this witness heard the suspect order other members of Liwa al-Quds to arrest the person in question, to handcuff them and place them in the car. The suspect also manned the checkpoints at the entrances and exits of the camp. If he was there, he usually sat inside. The common members performed the work.
82This witness also stated that when Liwa al-Quds would be given an order to fight outside the camp, the suspect would be in charge of the group. The witness knows this because this was talked about in the camp, in a manner such as; ‘I was in the group of’ and then the name of the suspect would be mentioned and it would be discussed what was done outside the camp, who had been hurt, who had perished etc.
83
GT202650 has stated that the position of the suspect was high (at least in 2012) to an extent that the manning of a checkpoint was beneath his rank.
84This witness also stated that the suspect was a leader of a group within Liwa al-Quds as of 2012 as well.
85This witness heard and saw the suspect give orders to the rest of the group, such as: “You will take this car and you will take that car”. If people needed to be replaced at the checkpoints and in the lines controlled by Liwa al-Quds, then the suspect would also do that. According to this witness, the group of the suspect joined the assaults and he knew this because the suspect talked about this proudly. The witness stated for example that the witness had said: “Today we attacked a group, picked up someone and handed him over to the Airforce Intelligence Service.” Later, when Liwa al-Quds was better organised, there were clear structures and the organisation had grown, the suspect was the leader of the Al Badya front and he had been given access to rockets.
86
GT0889175 has stated very specifically in this regard about the looting by Liwa al-Quds and the suspect. This witness stated that Liwa al-Quds raided houses outside the camp, thereby making false accusations. For example, that weapons were said to be in the property. The house would then be raided and looted. Money, jewellery and gold would subsequently be taken. The suspect and others would also place checkpoints along roads and force cars to stop, after which they carried out lootings.
87
These statements are supported by the photos in the file on which the suspect can be seen and the posts on social media in which his name is mentioned. For example, the following post is placed on the Facebook profile of a certain [name 28] on 14 March 2014. “Engineer [name 1] and [name 2], two commanders of Liwa al-Quds, have resolved the crisis with the help of residents, in the presence of the commander of a division within Liwa al-Quds, [suspect].” The suspect can be seen on the enclosed photo, sitting on a sofa next to [name 1] and [name 2].
88
On 7 March 2015, a video was shared on the YouTube channel of Liwa al-Quds. It is specified with this video that the troops stationed in Khanassar welcome their commander [name 1]. We see the suspect approaching [name 1] first and hugging him and smiling.
89
On 23 October 2015, photos were shared on the Facebook-profile ‘[name 16]’ on which members of Liwa al-Quds can be seen pushing forward towards Khanassar. The following message was posted on that date: “The heroes of Liwa al-Quds, Martyr [name17] battalion, on their way to Athria.” The suspect is shown on the photo, directly behind [name 3] and [name 4] and has his hands on their shoulders.
90
The suspect is also shown on photos taken of tactical discussions. He is seen wearing a military-style outfit on a photo which was posted on Facebook-profile ‘[name 16]’ on 4 September 2016. On the photo, he is seen studying a map along with [name 4]. On the basis of satellite images, the location of this map is pinpointed as being in the Armament College in Aleppo, an important strategic position in the battle of Aleppo in 2016.
91
The suspect is also one of the high ranking Liwa al-Quds fighters given a Russian distinction in the autumn of 2016 for their role in the Handarat offensive. On the photo taken on that occasion, the suspect can be seen in the company of [name 1], [name 3], [name 4] and [name 18].
92
On 8 January 2017, a series of photos is posted on a Facebook page by the name of ‘Liwa al-Quds / Syrian-Arab Commando / Salamiyah Center’ which, according to the accompanying text, were taken on the occasion of the fortieth birthday of ‘martyr [name 24]’. The text states that the people on the photo were members of Liwa al-Quds accompanied by the governor of Hama and the secretary of the party organisation in Hama. On this photo, the suspect can be seen standing behind the governor.
93
On a Facebook profile of a person by the name of [name 19], who, as stated on his Facebook profile, lives in Aleppo and works for the Syrian Arab army, two messages were posted on 4 September 2017. The posts include photos; on both of these photos the same group of people can be seen.
The first post was: “The troops of Liwa al-Quds are moving towards Deir ez-Zor, led by our superior [suspect], may Allah continue your glory later, great man.”
The second post was: “[...] was founded by engineer [name 1] by ordering the military leaders [name 20] and Mr [suspect] to support our brothers at the edge of Deir ez-Zor.”
94
The Facebook profile [name 21] also contains a large number of photos depicting the suspect. On 12 May 2018, one of his photos is accompanied by the following text: “[Suspect], commander of the assault company, may God protect you.”
95A post was placed on the Facebook page of Liwa al-Quds by the name of ‘Recruitment agency of Liwa al-Quds, Damascus and surrounding area’, which included six photos. The post was as follows:
“The leaders of Liwa al-Quds share their joy with the children of Al-Nayrab camp on Eid al-Fitr, may you remain healthy every year. May God protect you, leaders of Liwa al-Quds.”
The victim is seen on these photos in close proximity of [name 1], [name 2] and [name 4].
96
6.4.2.2. Role suspect at Liwa al-Quds
The statement given by the suspect that he joined Liwa al-Quds simply to protect and keep his family and the residents of the camp safe is implausible in view of the facts established in the foregoing.
In answering the question whether the suspect can also be regarded as a leader of Liwa al-Quds within the meaning of Section 140 Sr, the court states first and foremost that a leader within the meaning of Section 140 Sr does not necessarily have to be the highest ranking leader. An organisation can have multiple leaders. It needs to be established whether a person has certain powers within the organisation, has a certain authority, or differs from the other participants by their actions, such as taking initiative, distributing tasks, giving orders and instructions that are followed up. It involves a continuous actual control.
The file shows that [name1], [name2] and [name3] (and following his death [name 4]) were the highest ranking leaders of Liwa al-Quds. Based on the statements given in the foregoing and the other documents in the file, the court concludes that the suspect treats them as equals. They are regularly shown in the photos - often in a friendly manner - directly next to or behind the highest ranking leaders. He is involved in the arrests within the camp and had a leading role at the checkpoints in the camp. He is also mentioned as a commander of a division, commander of the assault company and superior. He is one of the five highest ranking leaders of Liwa al-Quds who received a Russian distinction in the autumn of 2016. He is also one of the leaders of Liwa al-Quds who celebrated Eid-al Fitr with the children of Al-Nayrab camp on 15 June 2018. He was involved with battle operations as commander in Khanassar, the Handarat offensive, Zarzour and Deir ez-Zor, and other locations. He also took part in the looting and kept part of the looted goods on the roof of his parents’ house.
Intermediate conclusion: the suspect played leading role within Liwa al-Quds
In view of the position he held in the organisation as direct confidant of the leaders, his leading role in the activities of Liwa al-Quds, both inside the camp with regard to the manning of the checkpoints and outside the camp in battle operations and in lootings and the taking of a share of that looted, the court finds that the suspect had continuous actual control within Liwa al-Quds in respect of other (lower ranking) militia participants, to such an extent that he can be considered a leader within the meaning of Section 140 Sr.
6.4.2.3. The suspect’s awareness of the reputation and actions AIS
The considerations set out in the foregoing show that the residents of the camp were aware of the AIS’ reputation. The suspect has also stated that the AIS had a bad reputation in every regard. He was fully aware of this, because his uncle [name 13] had been imprisoned and subjected to the crime against humanity torture by AIS. After his uncle had been released, the suspect visited him and noticed how emaciated his uncle had become and that his health had deteriorated significantly. His uncle had also suffered mentally.
97The court therefore concludes that the suspect had knowledge of the bad reputation of the AIS and the detaining and crime against humanity torture of (the) opponents and crime against humanity torture of (alleged) opponents.